Take a deep breath and make some fresh coffee, this is a long post. We’ll start at the same source the original ‘follow the money’ post was drawn from, two days before my house was raided by the climate cops: the climategate emails.
date: Mon, 18 May 1998 10:00:38 +010 ???
from: Trevor Davies <???@uea.ac.uk>
We (Mike H) have done a modest amount of work on degree-days for G-S. They
now want to extend this. They are involved in dealing in the developing
energy futures market.
G-S is the sort of company that we might be looking for a ‘strategic
alliance’ with. I suggest the four of us meet with ?? (forgotten his name)
for an hour on the afternoon of Friday 12 June (best guess for Phil & Jean
– he needs a date from us). Thanks.
Professor Trevor D. Davies
Climatic Research Unit
University of East Anglia
Norwich NR4 7TJ
Goldman Sachs is an investment banking house with a long history of trying to influence democratically elected governments fiscal, energy and climate policy with its placemen. They lost a lot of cash in the 2007 banking crash, and now they want to cash in on the potential $20T ‘global carbon dioxide market’ to recoup their losses, and make some handsome profits.
The email recipients were Mike Hulme (Mike H) founder of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change in 2000, Phil Jones, the head of CRU research, and Jean Palutikof, director of CRU at the time. Trevor Davies himself was later pro-vice chancellor of research at UEA. It’s a pity his memory isn’t better, as knowing the identity of the Goldman Sachs representative would have made this tale more complete.
Quite a few of Goldman Sachs’ top personnel have gone on to hold high office in the world’s governments and national institutions. Some of them have been involved in policy decisions which have either greatly benefited Goldman Sachs, or prevented serious dis-benefits befalling the company.
A few examples:
graduated with an A.B. summa cum laude in economics from Harvard College. He then attended Harvard Law School for three days before leaving to see the world. He later attended the London School of Economics after graduation and received an LL.B. from Yale Law School in 1964.
Rubin joined Goldman Sachs in 1966 as an associate in the risk arbitrage department, becoming a general partner in 1971. He joined the management committee in 1980 along with Jon Corzine. Rubin was Vice Chairman and Co-Chief Operating Officer from 1987 to 1990. From the end of 1990 to 1992, Rubin served as Co-Chairman and Co-Senior Partner along with Stephen Friedman.
As Clinton’s two-term Secretary of the Treasury, Rubin sharply opposed any regulation of collateralized debt obligations, credit default swaps and other so-called “derivative” financial instruments which—despite having already created havoc for companies such as Procter & Gamble and Gibson Greetings, and disastrous consequences in 1994 for Orange County, California with its $1.5 billion default and subsequent bankruptcy—were nevertheless becoming the chief engine of profitability for Rubin’s former employer Goldman Sachs and other Wall Street firms. When Brooksley Born, head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, circulated a letter urging increased regulation of derivatives in line with a 1994 General Accounting Office report, Rubin took the unusual step (for a Secretary of the Treasury) of going public in June 1998 to denounce Born and her proposal, eventually urging that the CFTC be stripped of its regulatory authority.
Rubin sparked controversy in 2001 when he contacted an acquaintance at the U.S. Treasury Department and asked if the department could convince bond-rating agencies not to downgrade the corporate debt of Enron, a debtor of Citigroup. The Treasury official refused. A subsequent congressional staff investigation cleared Rubin of having done anything illegal.
In 2013, Rubin became a member of the Africa Progress Panel (APP), a group of ten distinguished individuals who advocate at the highest levels for equitable and sustainable development in Africa. Every year, the Panel releases a report that outlines an issue of immediate importance to the continent and suggests a set of associated policies. In 2014, the Africa Progress Report “Grain, Fish, Money”, highlighted the need for economic diversification and how a transformation of its economy could take place.
Journalist Robert Scheer, in his book The Great American Stickup, claims the repeal of the Glass–Steagall Act was a key factor in the 2008 financial crisis.[page needed] Enacted just after the 1930s Great Depression, the Glass–Steagall Act separated commercial and investment banking. The law was repealed by Congress in 1999 during the Clinton presidency, while Rubin was Treasury Secretary.
This layed the groundwork for the derivatives crash to follow, which stripped so much money from the public purse in the ensuing bailouts.
joined Goldman Sachs in 1974, working in the firm’s Chicago office under James P. Gorter, covering large industrial companies in the Midwest. He became a partner in 1982. From 1983 until 1988, Paulson led the Investment Banking group for the Midwest Region, and became managing partner of the Chicago office in 1988. From 1990 to November 1994, he was co-head of Investment Banking, then Chief Operating Officer from December 1994 to June 1998, eventually succeeding Jon Corzine as chief executive. His compensation package, according to reports, was $37 million in 2005, and $16.4 million projected for 2006. His net worth has been estimated at over $700 million.
The support given by Federal Reserve Board, under Ben Bernanke, and the US Treasury with Henry Paulson at the helm, in the acquisition of Bear Stearns by J.P. Morgan and the $200bn facility made available to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac attracted a great deal of criticism in congress by both Republicans and Democrats. Paulson and Geithner made every effort to enable Barclays to acquire Lehman Brothers, including convincing other large Wall Street firms to commit their own funds to support the deal. When British regulators indicated they would not approve the purchase, Lehman went into bankruptcy, and Paulson and Geithner worked to contain the systemic impact.
Paulson, when acting as U.S. Treasury Secretary, caused outcries from both the Republican and Democratic Parties as well as the general populace as he tried to get the financial meltdown under control. Through unprecedented intervention by the U.S. Treasury, Paulson led government efforts which he said were aimed at avoiding a severe economic slowdown. After the Dow Jones dropped 30% and turmoil ensued in the global markets, Paulson pushed through legislation authorizing the Treasury to use $700 billion to stabilize the financial system.
In the documentary film Inside Job, Paulson is cited as one of the persons responsible for the Economic Meltdown of 2008 and named in Time Magazine as one of the “25 People to Blame for the Financial Crisis”.
Paulson has been described as an avid nature lover. He has been a member of The Nature Conservancy for decades and was the organization’s board chairman and co-chair of its Asia-Pacific Council. In that capacity, Paulson worked with former President of the People’s Republic of China Jiang Zemin to preserve the Tiger Leaping Gorge inYunnan province. Paulson co-chairs a group called Risky Business that raises awareness of the projected economic impact of climate change.
Before entering politics, Turnbull worked as a journalist, lawyer, investment banker and venture capitalist with Goldman Sachs. In 1993, he became the chair of the Australian Republican Movement, serving in the position until 2000.
Briefly Minister for the Environment and Water in the Howard government in 2007, Turnbull was elected Leader of the Liberal Party in September 2008, becoming Leader of the Opposition. In November 2009, his support for the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme proposed by the Labor Government split the Liberal Party. In a ballot the following month, Turnbull lost the leadership toTony Abbott by one vote. Initially intending to leave politics, Turnbull remained an MP and eventually became Minister for Communications in the Abbott Government in September 2013.
In September 2015, Turnbull challenged Abbott for the Liberal leadership, and won the subsequent ballot with 54 votes to Abbott’s 44. He succeeded Abbott as prime minister the following day and formed the Turnbull Government.
Zerohedge thinks the Putsch against Tony Abbott, who was about to audit the Australian Bureau of Meteorology in the wake of their temperature adjusting activities, was nicely timed to put Goldman Sachs operative Turnbull and his Carbon Tax ambitions in place just before the Paris COP.
From 1984 to 1990 he was the Italian Executive Director at the World Bank. In 1991, he became general director of the ItalianTreasury, and held this office until 2001. During his time at the Treasury, he chaired the committee that revised Italian corporate and financial legislation and drafted the law that governs Italian financial markets. He is also a former board member of several banks and corporations (Eni, Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale, Banca Nazionale del Lavoro and IMI).
In December 2005 Draghi was appointed Governor of the Bank of Italy, and in April 2006 he was elected Chairman of theFinancial Stability Forum; this organization which became Financial Stability Board in April 2009 on behalf of the G20, bringing together representatives of governments, central banks and national supervisors institutions and financial markets, international financial institutions, international associations of regulatory authorities and supervision and committees of central bank experts. It aims to promote international financial stability, improve the functioning of markets and reduce systemic risk through information exchange and international cooperation between supervisors.
On 5 August 2011 he wrote, together with the immediate past governor of the ECB, Jean Claude Trichet, a letter to the Italian government to push for a series of economic measures that would soon be implemented in Italy.
On 17 May 2011 the Council of the European Union – sitting as Ecofin – adopted a recommendation on the nomination of Draghi as President of the ECB. He was approved by the European Parliament and the ECB itself and on 24 June 2011 his appointment was confirmed by the European leaders. Draghi began leading the Frankfurt-based institution when Trichet’s non-renewable eight-year term expired on 31 October 2011. Draghi’s term runs from 1 November 2011 to 31 October 2019.
Concerns were also expressed during the candidacy about Draghi’s past employment at Goldman Sachs. Pascal Canfin (MEP) asserted Draghi was involved in swaps for European governments, particularly in Greece, trying to disguise their countries’ economic status. Draghi responded that the deals were “undertaken before my joining Goldman Sachs [and] I had nothing to do with them”, in the 2011 European Parliament nomination hearings.
In December, 2011, Draghi oversaw a €489 billion ($640 b.), three-year loan program from the ECB to European banks. The program was around the same size as the US Troubled Asset Relief Program (2008) though still much smaller than the overall US response including the Federal Reserve‘s asset purchases and other actions of that time.
Draghi is a member of the Group of Thirty founded by the Rockefeller Foundation. The Group of Thirty is a private group of lobbyists in the finance sector. For this reason he is accused of having a conflict of interest as president of the ECB. Some parties also see Draghi’s former work at Goldman Sachs as a conflict of interest.
Back in 2005, the Group of Thirty was proudly touting their handbook on risk management of derivatives, the very thing that was to be a chief cause of the financial crash two years later, after Goldman Sachs operative Henry Paulson failed to offload Lehman brothers onto Barclays, as noted in his mini-bio above. Another member of the Group of Thirty is:
Governor of the Bank of England. In today’s Financial Times, there is much consternation at Carneys recent remarks on fossil fuel assets becoming ‘stranded’. Prominent people are saying he’s out to lunch, because oil, gas and coal are due to increase production due to increasing demand, with no viable alternative in sight. The BBC of course, makes no mention of this obvious point in it’s apocalyptic write-up.
Considering the above, an investigative journalist might think about looking into Goldman Sachs’ history of involvement in the ’emerging carbon market’. Paris presents a huge opportunity to investment bankers such as Goldman Sachs, if they can make sure they are well positioned for a slice of the carbon trading instruments action. As Zerohedge point out:
Malcolm Turnbull, as we noted, just happened to be Chairman of Goldman Sachs Australia from 1997-2001. The same Turnbull who was deposed as opposition leader in 2009 over his support for a carbon tax and an emissions trading scheme, a “scheme” that, when fully implemented, would lead to huge monetary windfalls for none other than Turnbull’s former employer: Goldman Sachs.
So was Goldman the responsible party behind Abbott’s ouster? One can only speculate, however one thing is certain: any concerns and fears of “probes” or “audits” into Australia’s global warming “data and statistics” are now history.
While we hardly have to remind readers that it is Goldman that conceived of the carbon-credit market, and was behind cap and trade, here is an (in)convenient summary of who the true puppetmaster is behind the worldwide infatuation with stopping “global warming”, and who stands to benefit the most as the world is manipulated into doing everything to kill global warming dead in its tracks
Mario Monti, Lucas Papademos and Mario Draghi have something in common: they have all worked for the American investment bank Goldman Sachs. This is not a coincidence, but evidence of a strategy to exert influence that has perhaps already reached its limits.
Serious and competent, they weigh up the pros and cons and study all of the documents before giving an opinion. They have a fondness for economics, but these luminaries who enter into the temple only after a long and meticulous recruitment process prefer to remain discreet.
Collectively they form an entity that is part pressure group, part fraternal association for the collection of information, and part mutual aid network. They are the craftsmen, masters and grandmasters whose mission is “to spread the truth acquired in the lodge to the rest of the world.”
According to its detractors, the European network of influence woven by American bank Goldman Sachs (GS) functions like a freemasonry. To diverse degrees, the new European Central Bank President, Mario Draghi, the newly designated Prime Minister of Italy, Mario Monti, and the freshly appointed Greek Prime Minister Lucas Papademos are totemic figures in this carefully constructed web.
Heavyweight members figure large in the euro crisis
Draghi was Goldman Sachs International’s vice-chairman for Europe between 2002 and 2005, a position that put him in charge of the the “companies and sovereign” department, which shortly before his arrival, helped Greece to disguise the real nature of its books with a swap on its sovereign debt.
Monti was an international adviser to Goldman Sachs from 2005 until his nomination to lead the Italian government. According to the bank, his mission was to provide advice “on European business and major public policy initiatives worldwide”. As such, he was a “door opener” with a brief to defend Goldman’s interest in the corridors of power in Europe.
The third man, Lucas Papademos, was the governor of the Greek central bank from 1994 to 2002. In this capacity, he played a role that has yet to be elucidated in the operation to mask debt on his country’s books, perpetrated with assistance from Goldman Sachs. And perhaps more importantly, the current chairman of Greece’s Public Debt Management Agency, Petros Christodoulos, also worked as a trader for the bank in London.
Two other heavyweight members of Goldman’s European network have also figured large in the euro crisis: Otmar Issing, a former member of the Bundesbank board of directors and a one-time chief economist of the European Central Bank, and Ireland’s Peter Sutherland, an administrator for Goldman Sachs International, who played a behind the scenes role in the Irish bailout.
Relay exclusive information to the bank’s trading rooms
How was this loyal network of intermediaries created? The US version of this magic circle is composed of former highly placed executives of the bank who effortlessly enter the highest level of the civil service.
In Europe, on the other hand, Goldman Sachs has worked to accumulate a capital of relationships. But unlike its competitors, the bank has no interest in retired diplomats, highly placed national and international civil servants, or even former prime ministers and ministers of finance. Goldman’s priority has been to target central bankers and former European commissioners.
Its main goal is to legally collect information on initiatives in the near future and on the interest rates set by central banks. At the same time, Goldman likes its agents to remain discreet. That is why its loyal subjects prefer not to mention their filiation in interviews or in the course of official missions.
These well-connected former employees simply have to talk about this and that secure in the knowledge that their prestige will inevitably be rewarded with outspoken frankness on the part of those in powerful positions. Put simply they are there to see “which way the wind is blowing,” and thereafter to relay exclusive information to the bank’s trading rooms.
Bid for global dominance
Now that it has a former director at the head of the ECB, a former intermediary leading the Italian government, and another in charge in Greece, the bank’s antagonists are eager to highlight the extraordinary power of its network in in Frankfurt, Rome and Athens, which could prove extremely useful in these turbulent times.
But looking beyond these details, the power of Goldman’s European government before and during the financial ordeal of 2008 may well prove to be an obstacle. The relationships maintained by experienced former central bankers are less likely to be useful now that politicians are aware of the unpopularity of finance professionals who are seen to be responsible for the present crisis.
Where Goldman Sachs used to be able to exercise its talents, it now has to contend with opposition from public authorities raising questions about a series of scandals. A well stocked address book is no longer sufficient in a complex and highly technical financial world, where a new generation of industry leaders are less likely to be imbued with an unquestioning respect for the establishment.
In their bid for global dominance, they no longer need to rely on high finance crusaders in the Goldman mould, while the quest to protect shareholder’s rights, demands for more transparency and active opposition from the media, NGOs, and institutional investors continue to erode the potency of “the network effect.”
Translated from the French by Mark McGovern